Bharatiya
Janata Party is today the
most prominent member of the
family of organisations known
as the "Sangh Parivar". And
RSS has always been dubbed
"communal", "reactionary"
and what not by its detractors.
Sanghs of swayamsevaks have
of course always shaken off
that criticism like so much
water off a duck's back. They
have never had any doubt that
the organisation is wedded
to national unity, national
integrity, national identity
and national strength through
individual character and national
character. And today this
organisation is poised for
a great leap forward. Even
its long- time detractors
think and say that now BJP
is "unstoppable".What is the
story of this national epic?
History
is the philosophy of nations.
And the Sangh Parivar has
a very clear and candid conception
of Indian history. Here was
a great civilization whose
glory spread from Sri Lanka
to Java and Japan and from
Tibet and Mangolia to China
and Siberia. While it weathered
the storms of Huns and Shakas
and Greeks it wilted before
the Islamic storms of the
Turks. However, a 1000-year
resistance saw this country
bloodied but unbowed. Its
civilization survived through
the heroic efforts of the
Vijayanagar Empire and of
Shivaji, Rana Pratap and Guru
Govind Singh and countless
heroes and martyrs.
In more recent times this
torch was picked up by Swami
Dayanand and Swami Vivekanada.
And in the present century
the good work has been carried
on by Sri Aurobindo, Lokmanya
Tilak, Mahatma Gandhi and
others. The RSS, founded by
Dr Hedgewar in 1925 and consolidated
by Shri Guruji after 1940,
is the heir to this heroic,
historic heritage. It has
nothing against Muslim Indians
- as distinguished from Muslim
invaders. Its position on
this issue has all along been:
"Justice for all and appeasement
of none". But it has no doubt
that we were and are a Hindu
nation; that change of faith
cannot mean change of nationality.
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh
 |
 |
| He
founded the RSS... |
...and
he nurtured it |
|
...and Balasaheb Deoras
built it onto a mighty
organisation. |
The
RSS entirely agrees with Gandhiji's
formulations that "There is
in Hinduism room enough for
Jesus, as there is for Mohammed,
Zoroster and Moses" and that
"majority of the Muslims of
India are converts to that
faith from Hinduism through
force of circumstances. They
are still Hindu in many essential
ways and, in a free, prosperous,
progressive India, they would
find it the most natural thing
in the world to revert to
their ancient faith and ways
of life."
Due to the British policy
of "Divide and Rule" and the
politicians' proclivity to
compromise and temporise the
country suffered the trauma
of the partition. But the
Sangh Parivar has no doubt
that before very long the
unities, the varieties and
the strengths of our ancient
civilization will prevail.
RSS has been continuing the
task of nation building since
its inception. It did it through
the tumultuous period of 1930s
and 40s. But it was rudely
shaken by Gandhiji's killing
and the Government's political
exploitation of that national
tragedy.
The RSS, along with millions
of people, did not approve
of Gandhiji's Muslim appeasement
policy - starting with support
of the Khilafat movement -
but it had the greatest respect
for the Mahatma. Indeed, Gandhiji
had visited the RSS winter
camp in Wardha in December
1934 - and addressed the Delhi
RSS workers in Bhangi colony,
in Spetember 1947. He had
deeply appreciated the "noble
sentiments" and "astonishing
discipline" of the RSS. He
had never spoken even one
word of criticism of the RSS.
But after his killing, 17000
RSS workers - including Shri
Guruji - were accused of "conspiracy
of murder" the Mahatma Gandhi
and the RSS workers offered
Satyagraha. But during all
this time not one MLA or MP
raised the issue in any legislature.
For the RSS, it was the moment
of truth. And this truth,
as enunciated by Gokhale,
was that "What cuts deep in
politics cuts deep all round"
and that unless the RSS grew
political teeth and wings,
it would always be at the
mercy of unscrupulous politicians.
This was the context in which
Shri Guruji blessed the birth
of Bharatiya Jana Sangh under
the leadership of Dr. Syama
Prasad Mookerjee in 1951.
And in the very first General
Elections the BJS emerged
as one of the four nationally
recognised parties. The Party
has never looked back since
then.
THE
FIRST DECADE
The first
decade was a period of steady
growth organisationally and
policy evolution and elaboration
ideologically. It took up
the issues of territorial
integrity like Kashmir, Kutch
and Berubari - and in the
process suffered the martyrdom
of its founder-President Dr
Mookerjee in a Kashmir jail.
It demanded cow protection
as per Article 48 of the Constitution
and Gandhiji's declaration
that "Cow protection is more
important than even Swarajya".
It came out against Zamindari
and Jagirdari. It criticised
permit- licence-quota Raj.
And it came out for the nuclear
option to reinforce national
defence. The 1962 China war
and 1965 Pakistan war put
Sangh Parivar on the center-stage
as the conscience of the country.
When the RSS Parivar was entrusted
with police duties in 1965,
and it performed the same
to the satisfaction of all-even
Muslims began to join Jana
Sangh. Shri Guruji was specially
invited to the National Integration
Council. General Kulwant Singh
said at the time: "Punjab
is the sword arm of India
and RSS is the sword arm of
Punjab."
In all countries, parties
associated with the freedom
movement enjoy long years
of power. So did the Congress
- for 20 years. But the 1967
elections ended the Congress
monopoly of power. From Punjab
to Bengal there were non-Congress
coalitions everywhere. As
a political wit put it: "You
could travel from Amritsar
to Calcutta without setting
foot in Congress territory."
In most of the States Jana
Sangh and the Communists worked
together. They seemed to be
guided by the dictum: "We
are all children of Bharat
mata and we are all products
of the 20th century."
However, this was more than
the monopolistic Congress
could stand. It used its vast
money power and its capacity
for intrigue to topple government
after state government.
But even so Jana Sangh did
not lose heart. Under the
leadership of Pt. Deendayal
Upadhyaya it held a tremendous
session in Calicut. Here it
clarified its language policy
of "All encouragement to all
Indian languages" to the delight
of all linguistic groups.
The Mathrubhumi, leading Malayali
daily, described the BJS session
"the Ganga flowing South."
However, within days of this
historic session Deendayalji
was found murdered near Mugalsarai
railway station. In good faith
the BJS asked for a CBI enquiry.
But the way CBI drew blank
made it clear that Central
Agency has been politicised
and that it would never unravel
political crime.
Although the murder of Deendayalji
was a stunning shock the BJS
was too big and too strong
to be stopped in its tracks.
Under the leadership of Shri
Atal Behari Vajpayee, it enthussiastically
joined the movement for the
libera- tion of Bangladesh.
Its agitation for a higher
procurement price for cereals
gave the country food sufficiency
and food security. Its election
manifesto for 1971 was titled
"War on Poverty". The Congress
stole that slogan and hindi-ised
it into "Garibi hatao" and
swept the 1971 and 1972 polls.
But once again Jana Sangh
was too good and strong to
be overwhelmed by the ebb
and tide of politics.
JP's RESPONSE
In election
after by-election Jana Sangh
showed its class. It joined
hands with Jaya Prakash Narayan
on the issue of fighting corruption
and autocracy. The BJS was
in the vanguard of the people's
movement in Bihar and Gujarat.
To the professional detractors
of Jana Sangh JP's categorical
response was: "If Jana Sangh
is communal then I am also
communal." As the opposition
parties won election after
by-election, the cry ran through
the country: "Sinhasan khali
karo, ki janata aati hai".
A scared Mrs. Gandhi declared
Emergency, arrested thousands
and baned the RSS. But the
country survived this agni-pariksha,
thanks again to the Sangh
parivar, which contributed
full 80% of Emergency-time
prisoners, both detenus and
Satyagrahis.
Mrs. Gandhi was astounded
enough to admit in the Chandigarh
Session of the Congress in
1975 that "even in places
where the RSS was an unknown
organisation it has established
a firm foothold." The Economist
of London (Dec.4 1970) described
the underground movement of
the Sangh parivar as "the
only non-left revolutionary
force in the world." And even
Marxist parliamentary party
leader Shri AK Gopalan was
moved to say about the Sangh
parivar: "There is some lofty
idea which is capable of inspiring
such deeds of bravery and
stamina for sacrifices."
As a result of this successful
resistance Mrs Gandhi's Congress
Party was trounced in the
1977 elections and a Janata
party government consisting
of BJS, BLD, Cong(O), SOcialists
and CFD took office. Here
Shri Vajpayee as External
Affairs Minister and Shri.
L.K Advani as information
and broadcasting minister
made memorable name. But within
thirty months this government
went into pieces, thanks to
the vaulting ambition of individual
leaders. The Janata experiment
miserably failed.
In the elections that followed
the fall of Charan Singh government,
countless crores of foreign
money came into play. The
Stateman pointed out on Feb.11,
1980 that the Rupee, which
normally sold at a discount
in the world's black markets,
now began to sell at a premium.
As against this official rate
of Rs 7.91 to a dollar on
January 4 the unofficial rate
of Rs 7.20. "Those who keep
tabs on money markets attributed
this sudden rise in the black
market value of the Indian
currency to big orders from
unknown buyers, believed to
include some foreign governments
keen to funnel funds into
the election coffer of the
ideological allies and friends
in India". After the elections,
in the very first week of
February, 1980, the Indian
currency fell even lower than
before, to Rs 8 a dolalr to
be precise.
While the splintered Janata
Party was routed in January
1980, their suicidal "dual
memebership" campaign continued.
The BJS component found this
situation impossible, went
out and reorganised itself
as BHARATIYA JANATA PARTY.
A bright new day had dawned
in the chequered history of
India.
The very first session of
BJP in December 1980 in Bombay,
presided over by Shri Vajpayee,
was a glorious success. Addressing
this session the Grand Old
Man of India, Shri M.C. Chagla,
said: "I am not a member of
the party and I am not addressing
you as a delegate. Still I
assure you that when I am
talking to you I do not feel
like an outsider. I honestly
and sincerely feel that I
am one of you. The BJP is
a national party. I admire
your discipline, your honesty,
and your dedication. This
huge gathering is Bombay's
answer to Indira. This is
the only party that can replace
Indira."
It was during the Indira Gandhi's
second coming that the country
experienced the trauma of
Meenakshipuram and the massacre
of Nellie.
However, her worst disservice
to the country was the propping
up of Bhindranwale - till
then an obscure granthi -
to harass and divide the Akali
Dal. To this day the country
has not recovered from that
play with fire, the latest
victim of the same being Punjab
Chief Minister Beant Singh.
No less dangerous was her
aiding, abeting, arming, and
financing of LTTE which was
out to partition a friendly
neighbouring state like Sri
Lanka.
And when her political son
died in an unfortunate and
mysterious air accident she
promptly put up even her airline
pilot son to succeed her and
try to pilot the ship of State.
The BJP, while exposing all
these sins of ommission and
commission, continued to consolidate
its organisation and fine-tune
its policies. It won election
after after corporation election
in major cities. The general
feeling was that Mrs. Gandhi
would not be able to win the
next election due early in
1985. And President Zail Singh
was heard saying that in that
case he would not call her
to form the Government. It
was at this stage that she
was shot dead by enraged Sikhs
for having violated the sanctity
of the Golden Temple in Amritsar.
What followed was a titanic
tragedy, costing the lives
of thousands of Sikhs and
their property worth some
Rs 10,000 crores. The whole
carnage was okayed by the
state apparatus, with President
Zail Singh himself ringing
up the Delhi BJP leaders to
please save the lives of their
Sikh brethern. The whole gory
drama was staged under Mr.
Rajiv as PM and Mr. Rao as
Home Minister. No wonder nobody
was punished for this genocide
of innocent Sikhs.
THE RAJIV REGIME
In the elections
that followed the sympathy
wave got Mr. Rajiv Gandhi
more votes and more seats
than even Pandit Nehru in
all his three general elections.
For a while he appeared as
Prince Charming on a White
Charger, the 'Mr. Clean',
out to purge "power brokers".
However, it soon became clear
that it is much easier to
run an election than to run
a country.
He signed an agreement with
Shri Longowal of the Akali
Dal, but never implemented
it. He signed an Assam agreement
that left millions of Bangla
infiltrators this side of
the border. he first welcomed
the Supreme Court judgement
in the Shah Bano Case and
then proceeded to negate it.
Having done this "favor" to
Muslims he proceeded to organise
the unlocking of the Ayodhya
structure in a bid to please
the Hindus.
He despatched the army to
Sri Lanka only to get a bloody
nose there.
However, the BJP lost no time
in preparing for the next
round. It appointed a high
power Working Group to study
the results of the 1984 elections
and recommend remedial action.
The Party streamlined its
organisation. It re-pledged
itself to "Integral Humanism".
It urged early and comprehensive
electoral reform. And it highlighted
the problem of massive infiltration
from Bangladesh. Within two
years of Rajiv Gandhi's coming
to office the BJP had slapped
on him a 50-count chargesheet.
And then came the Bofors scandal.
That a ruling party should
make money on Government contracts
was bad enough. But that it
should make money on Defence
deals, compromising national
defence was wholly unacceptable
to the country. The fat was
in the fire.
In the 1989 elections the
Janata Dal effected adjustments
of seats with the BJP and
proceeded to form the Government
with outside support from
the BJP and the Communists.
From day one Shri VP Singh
did not play ball. The BJP
had pledged him unconditional
support, which was probably
a mistake; there is no charity
in politics; no free lunch.
BJP should have probably made
it clear that it should be
consulted on all major issues.
But Mr VP Singh on his part
only added insult to injury.
The BJP had made no demand
on him whatsoever. But whenever
any of his colleagues suggested
some gesture to be made to
BJP he was heard saying: "I
do not have to give them anything;
they have no choice." Evidently
the Raja Saheb thought that
BJP was his "bonded labour."
As BJP president Advani was
heard remarking at the time:
"Mr VP Singh is like an old-style
princeling. He is all courtesy
and all conspiracy". He would
tell Advani that he himself
would join him in Kar-Seva
and then issued a temple ordinance
only to withdraw it within
hurs and have Shri Advani
arrested.
Shri VP Singh suddenly came
up with the Mandal report,
not because his heart was
bleeding for the poor but
because he thought that, on
this issue, he could dissolve
the House to go to the polls,
collect some 350 seats and
rule the country on his own
without the bother of consulting
anybody on anything. But it
was a gamble that failed,
because the BJP had already
raised the Ayodhya issue.
And it had done so early in
1989, not on the basis of
any electoral calculation,
but on ideological conviction.
Historic wrongs had to be
righted, however, symbolically,
for a lasting solution of
the Hindu-Muslim problem.
SEA CHANGE IN POLITICAL
SCENE
Shri Advani's
Rath Yatra from Somnath to
Ayodhya effected a sea change
in the political scene. While
Mandal had divided the people,
Ayodhya united the people.
What violence there was in
1990 came only because the
government arrested Shri Advani
and the UP Chief Minister
fired on Kar-Sevaks. Had they
allowed Advani to reach Ayodhya
and do symbolic Kar-Seva there
would have been no Bandh,
no violence, anywhere.
Shri VP Singh thought that
BJP had secured 89 seats in
1989 because of seat adjustment
with JD, and that was true
enough. But he forgot that
his JD had also got 143 seats
only because of seat adjustment
with the BJP. He now thought
that in the absence of seat
adjustment the BJP would lose
scores of seats. Actually
the BJP would lose scores
of seats. Actually the BJO
added 30 seats to its old
score and it was the JD that
declined to 59 seats. And
but for the sudden killing
of Mr Rajiv, which won the
Congress scores of seats,
both the BJP and the Congress
would have been around 175
seats. This was particularly
remarkable, because on this
occasion the BJP had fought
all alone. It had emerged
as the only major solid pole
in a fluid Indian political
situation.
In assessing the BJP other
parties make a serious mistake.
They forget that as a result
of our first-past-the-post
electoral system, the first
party has an undue advantage
over No.2 Party. But the BJP,
being a solid party and a
solid pole, can always survive
adverse winds and live to
thrive another day. In 1984
the BJP had won only 2 seats,
but in terms of vote it was
second only to the Congress.
Under a system of proportional
representation its 7.4% vote
would have won it 30-40 seats
even in 1984. Therefore its
win of 89 seats in 1989 was
not all that much of a surprise.
Parties like JD, being loose
outfits, are in no position
to survive serious reverses.
This trend has been confirmed
in State Assembly elections.
In the 1993 elections the
BJP vote and seats declined
in HP and MP thanks to strict
administrative measures for
which public opinion had not
been prepared in advance.
In UP the party lost its majority
due to a gang-up of all other
parties against it, but its
popular vote went up by almost
30% to 34%. In Rajasthan both
our vote and our seats went
up. And in Delhi we got a
whopping 61.59% and a three-fourths
majority. In these five major
states put together BJP won
a hundred assembly seats and
once crore votes more than
the Congress.
UNSTOPPABLE BJP
The results
of the 1995 elections in Andhra,
Karnataka, Bihar, Orissa,
Goa, Gujarat and Maharashtra
were, if anything, even more
remarkable. In Andhra the
main fight being between TDP
and the Congress the BJP got
squeezed to just 3 seats.
But in Karnataka BJP won 40
seats, pushing the Congress
to the third position. In
Goa, for the first time the
BJP won 4 seats in a house
of 60. In Orissa BJP trebled
its modest strength from 3
to 10. In Bihar BJP pushed
Congress to the third position
and emerged as the official
opposition. In Maharashtra,
Shiv Sena and the BJP have
formed a fine coalition government.
And in Gujarat the BJP has
won a two-thirds majority.
It is trends like these that
have convinced even the detractors
of BJP that the party is now
"unstoppable".
Conventional wisdom is that
the BJP won 89 Lok Sabha seats
in 1989 as a result of seat
adjustments with JD and 119
seats in 1991 as a result
of the Ayodhya issue. The
fact is that these were only
contributory factors. The
BJP's historic performance
in the recent assembly elections,
when there was no seat adjustment
with other parties and when
the Ayodhya issue stood frozen,
is confirmation of the fact
that basically the BJP is
forging ahead because of its
excellent organisation, superb
leadership and patriotic people's
policies.
When, in 1991, the Congress
formed the Government on its
own, even though it did not
have a majority of its own,
the BJP acted very responsibly
and helped it have a speaker
of its choice, contnt with
deputy speakership of the
Lok Sabha. Having been all
along opposed to a licence-permit-quota
Raj it welcomed the policy
of liberalization in principle.
At long last New Delhi recognised
Israel and South Africa, something
the BJP had urged for long.
BJP also took a far-sighted
view of reservations - conceding
the same to OBCs on the basis
of an economic criterion,
which translated itself in
the Supreme Court judgement
into the "creamy layer".
BJP state governments enunciated
a new education policy; they
made copying in exams a congnisable
offence; they decentralized
the administration; their
Antyodaya took care of the
poorest of the land; they
waived the loans of poor farmers;
and they made war on criminal
elements and put them in jail.
CONGRESS DOUBLE-DEALING
But before
long the double-dealing of
the Congress came to surface.
They organised defections
in JD, SS etc. to give themselves
a majority that the country
had withheld from them. They
kept playing games with Ayodhya
resulting in the December
6, 1992 demolition of the
disputed structure. While
those who welcomed that demolition
congratulated the Sangh parivar,
and those who didn't like
it condemned the Parivar,
the fact is that the Parivar
leadership does not know who
did it. We all wanted it removed
respectfully and through due
process of law. What actually
happened was no part of our
plan. It is, therefore, a
mystery wrapped in a riddle
inside an enigma. And now
comes the revelation by Shri
Arjun Singh in his letter
of resignation from the Cabinet
that on December 1, 1992,
he had sent the PM a copy
of a fax message sent by an
active Congress worker from
Ayodhya, which said: "There
is indication that some agent
provocateurs from Pakistan
have been able to infiltrate
into Ayodhya and would try
to damage the Babri Masjid
if the VHP Kar-sevaks fail
in their mission to do the
same." The VHP had no such
mission. But the point is,
why was this fax message kept
out of government's White
Paper on Ayodhya? Obviously
the object of Pakistan and
its friends and allies was
to trigger Hindu-Muslim violence,
culminating in the Bombay
serial bombing, give India
a bad name and slow down the
Indian economy. There are
reports that on December 6
evening there was a celebration
in Pakistan High Commission
in New Delhi. But additionally
the government used the incident
as an excuse to dismiss four
state governments, dissolve
four state assemblies, and
arrest top BJP leaders.
Meanwhile, in the name of
liberalisation and globalisation
foreign banks and unscrupulous
speculators were allowed to
cheat the country of thousands
of crores through the securities
scam and the government did
not have the decency to accept
even the unanimous report
of the joint Parliamentary
Committee on the subject.
Many more thousands of crores
have been lost on businessmen
who have not returned their
loans to nationalised banks.
On the other hand even profit-making
public sector undertakings
are being sold. The result
of all this is an unprecedented
rise in prices. The BJP has
responded with an yearly alternative
budget, showing how the growth
rate could be accelerated
while augmenting employment
and holding the price line.
However, potentially even
more dangerous is the government's
knuckling under to foreign
pressure on issue after issue,
compromising our soveriegnty
and endangering our very independence.
While the BJP is for liberalisation
we find that we have liberalised
too little internally and
too much externally. Even
now we need a licence to start
a sugar mill or a shoe factory.
And of course the corrupt
"Inspector Raj" continues
to harass the small-scale
manufacturer who is the backbone
of Indian Industry. But foreigners
have been allowed to come
in even with junk foods.
CLEAR
BJP POSITION
The BJP position
is very clear on this issue;
Indian Science and technology
have come of age, as examplified
by our Defence and Research
Development Organisation.
Therefore, foreign capital
is welcome only in capital
intensive hightech and infrastructural
areas, however, it must come
on fair and competitive terms.
And because Enron was an opaque,
expensive and dubious deal
it has been cancelled by the
BJP-RSS government in Maharashtra.
This has protected national
interests and upheld national
honor. The new watchword is
"Swadeshi". The world has
been told in unmistakable
terms that India cannot be
taken for granted. The entire
thrid world feels good about
India standing up.
Vindication of the BJP position
comes from no less person
than Samual D. Huntington,
the US Establishment ideologue.
In his article "The Clash
of Civilizations" (vide Foreign
Affairs Quarterly, Summer
1993) he wrote: "Through the
IMF and other international
economic institutions, the
West promotes its economic
interests and imposes on other
nations the economic policies
it thinks appropriate. In
any poll of non-Western peoples
the IMF undoubtedly would
win the support of finance
ministers and a few others,
but get an overwhelmingly
unfavourable rating from just
about everyone else."
Today, strong foreign pressure,
New Delhi's pussillanimity
and nationalist India's strength
are all simultaneously at
play in the country. Under
foreign presure our missile
program has been capped. In
its timidity the government
has signed an unequal agreement
with CNN and the country is
being increasingly served
cultural garbage. But the
people of India represented
in the Rajya Sabha have, under
the leadership of the BJP,
taken a stand on all these
issues. They have also prevented
an anti-national patent law
amendment bill from being
passed. And they have acclaimed
the cancellation of the Enron
deal. They caused the Star-TV's
anti-Gandhi and anti-national
program to stop. And they
have made the government agree
to start and close Parliament
session with "Vandematram".
The BJP's Ekta Yatra under
the leadership of Dr Joshi
hoisted the national flag
in Srinagar on Republic Day
in 1992. And the BJP's Karnatak
unit saw to it that the National
Flag is duly hoisted on the
Hubli public ground, which
is used for Namaz on Id-days.
While the Supreme Court faltered
on the issue of Article 356
of the Constitution to dismiss
four BJP governments, it has
come out categorically for
implementation of Article
44 of the Constitution, directing
the adoption of a uniform
civil code for all citizens
of India. It has denounced
the embracing of Islam just
to get rid of your wife and/or
indulge in bigamy. And it
has struck down the ban on
the VHP. Today the BJP is
poised to take a great leap
forward.
Calculators think that the
arithmatic does not quite
add up to a majority for the
BJP. They, however, forget
one thing: elections are not
arithmatic; they are chemistry.
Once it becomes clear that
the BJP is poised to forge
ahead of all other parties
millions of people who have
probably never before voted
for it will plump for it.
Regional parties could make
a beeline for it. The UP development
where the BJP helped a dalit
lady become Chief Minister
'Ram ne Shabri ko raja banaya',
said a Hindi newspaper headline
is a pointer in this direction.
Until now the TINA (There
Is No Alternative) factor
worked in favor of the Congress.
Now it works in favor of the
BJP. Having tried state elections
in 1967, support from inside
in 1977, and support from
outside in 1989, and found
them all wanting, the BJP
has, by a philosophical process
of elemination - "neti" -
come to the conclusion that
it would be best to go it
alone. The poet's plea for
going it alone ("Aikla Chalo
Re") has literally worked
wonders for the BJP.
While the status-quoists may
be shaken by this emerging
brave new India, the people
of India have every reason
to cheer the emergence of
this rejuvenated India with
the promise of Ram Rajya and
with Rabindranath Tagore's
prayer for "Eka Dharmarajya
hable a Bharate" (Let there
be one Dharma Rajya - a just
and moral order - in India).
Satyameva Jayate.
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